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India’s G20 win shows US learning how to counter China’s rise

President Joe Biden led the charge, seeing in India his administration's best hope of isolating China and Russia — and providing a booster shot to the US—led world order. The result showed that Washington is finally learning the language of the so-called Global South, with India as its principle guide.

September 10, 2023 1:50 pm

Narendra Modi with Ajay Banga, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Cyril Ramaphosa and Joe Biden.Photographer: Evan Vucci /Pool/AFP/Getty Images/Bloomberg
Narendra Modi with Ajay Banga, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Cyril Ramaphosa and Joe Biden.Photographer: Evan Vucci /Pool/AFP/Getty Images/Bloomberg

New Delhi : Xi Jinping’s decision to stay away from this weekend’s Group of 20 summit may have been intended to deny India its moment. Instead, Prime Minister Narendra Modi — along with the US and Europe — figured out how to more effectively counter China on the world stage.

Fellow G-20 nations hailed India’s success in reaching agreement on a joint communique that remained in doubt just days before world leaders gathered for their most significant annual diplomatic event. Apart from finding consensus on Russia’s war in Ukraine, the most difficult issue, they also elevated the African Union as a full G-20 member and took action on issues like climate change and debt sustainability that are priorities of emerging markets.

The final outcome irked Ukraine, which saw the compromise on war language as weaker than what leaders produced just 10 months ago in Bali, Indonesia. But for the US and its allies, criticism of a communique that on substance was similar to Bali and has little impact on the ground is a small price to pay for giving Modi a win that bolsters India’s status as a rising power capable of blunting China’s global influence.

President Joe Biden led the charge, seeing in India his administration’s best hope of isolating China and Russia — and providing a booster shot to the US—led world order. The result showed that Washington is finally learning the language of the so-called Global South, with India as its principle guide.

“Some commentators are pointing to watered-down language on Russia-Ukraine as a sign of Western ‘climbdown,'” said Milan Vaishnav, director of the South Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “But there’s another way of looking at it: The West is also invested in making sure India got a win. A lack of consensus would have been a huge disappointment for India.”

If there was a moment that illustrated the summit dynamics, it was Biden’s meeting on Saturday to discuss White House-led efforts to deliver more financing to developing nations.

Along with World Bank President Ajay Banga, the first Indian American to hold the role, Biden was pictured with Modi, Brazil’s Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa — key members of the BRICS grouping, minus China and Russia. That bloc expanded earlier this month, posing a challenge for the Group of Seven advanced economies.

Earlier in the day, US Deputy National Security Advisor Jon Finer swiped at China by referring to those nations as “the three democratic members of the BRICS,” saying they and the US were all committed to the G-20’s success. “And if China is not, that’s unfortunate for everyone,” Finer said. “But much more unfortunate, we believe, for China.”

And the US didn’t stop there. It separately announced a deal with India, the European Union, Saudi Arabia, Israel and other Middle Eastern countries to develop an ambitious rail and maritime network across the region. Biden hailed it as a “game-changing regional investment,” cementing the deal with a three-way handshake that included Modi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who the US president had cast as a “pariah” ahead of the last election.

That kind of pronouncement is certainly more likely to appeal to Middle East interests than badgering over human rights, even if the project’s time line and funding remains vague. The US denied it was meant to counter China’s growing influence in the Gulf, but a French official acknowledged it was designed to provide competition for Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative, saying that wasn’t a bad thing.

Xi’s move to skip the G-20 summit for the first time since he became president in 2013 marked a shift in behavior from last November, when he cast himself as a statesman with a responsibility to “get along with other countries.” China’s negotiators also risked appearing petty in looking to thwart India’s progress, taking a stand on minor issues like Modi’s use of a Sanskrit phrase and the US’s bid to host the G-20 gathering in 2026. The Global Times, a newspaper affiliated with the Communist Party, called the US “just a copycat” for its Mideast infrastructure plan.

Going into the summit, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak accused China of acting as a brake on progress toward a joint statement. At one point in the deliberations behind closed doors, Beijing raised the issue of access to semiconductors in a discussion of climate action, people familiar with the talks said. That prompted National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan — a leading advocate of US export controls on chips and chip technology to China — to decry “the idea of holding climate hostage”

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