Opinion

From Bangladesh to Nepal: What puts youth at the heart of South Asia’s political crisis

From Bangladesh to Nepal: What puts youth at the heart of South Asia’s political crisis

By Pham Quang Hien
By Pham Quang Hien

By Pham Quang Hien

In the 2020s, South Asia emerged as one of the most politically volatile regions in the world. After Bangladesh fell into a political crisis in 2024 with massive protests leading to a change in leadership, Nepal witnessed a wave of political instability just one year later. A prominent common point is the role of the youth force (Gen Z) as a central actor, they not only initiated the crisis but also shaped the subsequent political scenarios. The presence and strength of the young generation has changed the traditional power structure in South Asia, forcing governments, parties as well as international actors to adjust their approaches. This phenomenon cannot be explained by temporary social discontent alone, but reflects deep changes in population, economy, society and technology in the region.

The youth population explosion and the development paradox

South Asia is currently the region with the youngest population structure in the world. In Bangladesh, more than 47% of the population is under 25 years old, while in Nepal this figure is around 40% (UNFPA, 2024). The young population should be a “golden opportunity” for socio-economic development, but paradoxically, the region has witnessed widespread unemployment, inequality and corruption. In Bangladesh, unemployment among young university graduates is expected to reach 33% by 2023 (World Bank, 2024). In Nepal, while remittances contribute around 27% of GDP, millions of young people are forced to work abroad in precarious conditions, creating a sense of marginalization in national progress. When expectations of employment, social justice and development opportunities are not met, the youth easily become the strongest resistance force.

From social discontent to political motivation

South Asian youth are not only victims of unemployment and poverty, but also carry with them aspirations for democracy, transparency and equality. They have access to education, technology and information at a higher level than previous generations, thereby demanding change from the ruling elite. In Bangladesh, student movements have long been at the forefront of political upheavals. In 1971, students played a decisive role in the independence movement; in 1990, they spearheaded the overthrow of the military regime of General Hossain Mohammad Ershad. In 2024, students and youth once again led protests against electoral fraud and corruption, forcing the Sheikh Hasina government from power.

In Nepal, recent political history has also seen students play a pivotal role in the democratic movements of 1990 and 2006. By 2025, the frustration of the younger generation with party divisions, governance crises, and corruption continues to make them the core force in protests against the coalition government. In other words, South Asian youth are not just objects of influence, but political actors, capable of exerting pressure and changing the power dynamics.

One factor that has put young people at the center of the crisis in South Asia is the prevalence of digital technology. This age group accounts for the majority of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and X (Twitter), making them effective tools for political mobilization and communication. In Dhaka in 2024, videos of the suppression of protests go viral instantly, triggering a chain reaction. In Kathmandu in 2025, student groups need only a few hours to organize street protests of tens of thousands of people, despite government efforts to control them. Social media helps young people bypass traditional censorship, connect across borders, and create international pressure on governments. Therefore, many analysts consider digital technology to be a “political weapon” for the young generation of South Asia.

Tradition of street politics

The youth crisis in South Asia is not a completely new phenomenon, but continues a long tradition of street politics. Student movements from the 1960s to the present have repeatedly been the decisive force in changing the regime. This tradition gives today’s young generations a sense of historical legitimacy to stand up against the government. In many cases, the student movement is even recognized by society as a “national conscience”, transcending party affiliation. This explains why when Bangladesh or Nepal fall into crisis, the public is ready to support and join the youth, making them a central force that cannot be ignored.

Another aspect that has made youth central to the South Asian political crisis is the internationalization of the movement. Images of repressed students quickly appeared in the global media, creating pressure on the government from the international community. Human rights organizations, Western countries and even regional powers were forced to speak out, while the government was worried about losing its foreign legitimacy. The participation of youth is therefore not only an internal issue, but also has an impact on international relations and the country’s position in the region. The case of Bangladesh 2024 shows that the collapse of a government cannot be separated from pressure from the international community, which is sensitive to the image of repressed youth. In Nepal, the situation in 2025 is also closely monitored in the context of the competition for influence between India and China, further highlighting the cross-border nature of the youth movement.

The emergence of youth as the epicenter of the crisis in South Asia has not only shaken incumbent governments, but also brought about structural changes. First, parties have been forced to rethink their approach to youth. Youth support or opposition can determine the legitimacy of a government. Second, civil society and the media have been fueled by youth energy, thereby expanding the democratic space. Third, political elites have realized that poor governance is no longer just a source of simmering discontent, but can lead to rapid collapse when youth emerge. Thus, from Bangladesh to Nepal, youth have become a “strategic variable” in national politics.

Impact

The emergence of youth as the center of South Asia’s political crisis has several regional implications. First, it highlights the vulnerability of regional regimes to social pressures. Governments, whether relying on security control or political alliances, find it difficult to maintain power if they ignore the voices of the younger generation. Second, this phenomenon increases the uncertainty in regional politics, as youth explosions can occur at any time and spread quickly thanks to social media. Third, the role of youth creates a link between domestic politics and foreign relations, forcing neighboring countries and major powers to adjust their policies. In the context of increasingly fierce US-China-India competition, South Asian youth become an “unknown factor” that can change the regional balance of power.

Thus, from Bangladesh in 2024 to Nepal in 2025, youth are not just participants but are at the center of South Asia’s political crisis. With their large populations, accumulated frustrations, democratic aspirations, technological prowess, and street politics, the young generation has proven that they have the ability to change the political order. They are both a measure of government legitimacy, a force for reform, and a variable in international relations. The events in Bangladesh and Nepal reflect not only internal instability, but also a profound shift in the political dynamics of the entire South Asian region. In the coming decade, any government in this region that does not find a way to integrate the energy and expectations of youth into the national development process risks repeating the cycle of crisis. South Asian youth are therefore no longer just the future, but have been and are the present of regional politics.

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