By Anirudha Karindalam
Male: In early July, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi was invited to be the chief guest at the celebrations marking the 60th anniversary of the Maldives’ independence in Malé on July 26, there was palpable scepticism in Delhi’s power corridors about whether he would attend. The hesitation was understandable, as the visit was scheduled immediately after Modi’s much-anticipated UK trip to sign a free trade agreement between the two countries. Until a week before the event, there was no official confirmation. When it finally came, hectic parleys were set in motion on both sides.
Former Maldivian presidents and prominent leaders abroad returned home ahead of Modi’s arrival. At the airport, Modi greeted Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu with a warm handshake and a hug, signalling that India, the proverbial ‘big brother’, appeared ready to move past the bickering and pessimism stirred by the ‘India Out’ campaign. The campaign had gained momentum after Muizzu and his People’s National Congress (PNC) swept both the 2023 presidential and April 2024 parliamentary polls.
The groundwork for Modi’s visit had been laid over months. Last October, Muizzu visited India for bilateral talks, followed by three visits by Foreign Minister Abdulla Khaleel this year. These engagements marked a resumption of high-level diplomacy between the two countries. The royal welcome extended to Modi was not spontaneous—it was the result of India’s steady, sensible diplomacy. Despite all the goading and prodding in late 2023 and early 2024, India continued to engage with the Maldives, maintaining development support rather than opting for confrontation over demands to withdraw its military personnel.
Neighbours like Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, the Maldives and Bangladesh have, at times, perceived India as overbearing. Yet, successive Indian governments, with long-term vision and seasoned diplomacy, have projected themselves as regional stabilisers, extending considerable developmental assistance to these smaller neighbours. “It is in India’s interest to strengthen and sustain relations with them,” Anand Sharma, Congress veteran and former minister of state for external affairs, said.
During Modi’s sojourn in Malé on July 25 and 26, the island nation buzzed with renewed energy. He handed over 3,300 social housing units, 72 vehicles for Maldivian authorities, inaugurated a ministry of defence building, and announced new developmental and health care support. A Rs4,850-crore line of credit was signed, reducing the Maldives’ loan burden by 40 per cent, while digital connectivity was enhanced through UPI integration.
At the state banquet in his honour, Modi’s remarks on the civilisational and cultural bonds between India and the Maldives drew applause. “Our shared heritage is as old as the monsoon and as sweet as addu bondi,” he said, referring to the Maldives’ signature sweet made with crushed coconut and dhiyaa hakuru (traditional Maldivian sugar made from coconut sap), wrapped in dried banana leaves. The delicacy, he noted, was a flavourful representation of the closeness of the two nations. “Our languages reflect the depth of our culture. Several words in Dhivehi [the official language] have come from India…. Our tastes are also similar…. Absolutely perfect despite being different. The loving relations that have been formed between the people of our two nations for centuries remain ever strong even today.”
Muizzu said, “Modi is a wonderful person who is very fond of building relationships between India’s neighbours.”
There was a time when relations were not so warm. In the 2023 election, Muizzu campaigned for the removal of Indian military personnel and closer ties with China—a stance shaped by Abdulla Yameen, former president and leader of Progressive Party of the Maldives (PPM). When Yameen was barred from contesting the 2023 presidential election, Muizzu became the PPM-PNC coalition candidate. Many people say Muizzu adopted Yameen’s rhetoric primarily to secure the latter’s vote base and was not as openly confrontational. Under Yameen, the Maldives had tilted closer to China. Soon after Muizzu took office, scathing remarks by three deputy ministers ignited a social media storm in India, causing a crash in tourist arrivals in the Maldives. Though the ministers were suspended, the diplomatic damage lingered.
Still, India supported the Maldivian economy—renewing a $50 million treasury bill, signing a $750 million currency swap agreement to ease its foreign currency crunch, and advancing the $500-million Greater Malé Connectivity Project, the largest infrastructure project in the Maldives. The 6.74-km bridge and causeway of the connectivity project will link Malé with Villingili, Gulhifalhu and Thilafushi—improving economic mobility for nearly half the Maldivian population.
“The relationship is not really back on track,” said a senior officer at the ministry of external affairs in Delhi. “Right now, it is a relationship of convenience—mostly from the Maldives’ vantage point. The Maldives is in a bit of a pickle and has realised that there are pressing financial requirements that need to be fulfilled; for now, they don’t have partner countries that can do that except India. India also realises that it needs to have a stable Maldives which is not really in any danger of defaulting on its international commitments or debt obligations.”
Though the reset in ties marks a strategic gain for India amid China’s growing regional presence, the officer noted that the relationship is more stable than warm. “India, for what it is worth, has always tried to have a levelheaded relationship with all Maldivian governments,” he said. “It is our policy to not favour one party over another because it really serves no purpose for us. That said, I would say that the current dynamics between India and the Maldives are a product of the circumstances that prevail in the Maldives. [In] this uneasy alliance, both countries are slightly wary of each other and are just trying to do their best to not rock the boat too much.”
Muizzu and his government believe that Modi’s visit, coupled with the prevailing goodwill, will attract more Indian tourists. “The Maldives’ tourism outlook remains bright, buoyed by the growing Indian market and improving bilateral relations,” said Mohamed Khaleel, CEO of Manta Air. “Indian tourists play a vital role during the summer months, when arrivals from other regions typically dip.” Founded in 2019, Manta Air began its international operations with a Bengaluru-Dhaalu service in February 2024, in the thick of the India-Maldives spat. “We foresee both Indian and the Maldivian carriers expanding into other cities that show growth potential. The Maldives is an ideal gateway for Indian travellers. But to truly unlock the potential of this market, we need to invest more in brand awareness and marketing campaigns tailored to Indian travellers,” said Khaleel.
“Many of us are happy that ties are on reset mode,” said Mariyam Waheeda, former president of the Maldives Broadcasting Commission and media personnel. “India and the Maldives share an age-old relationship. We are a small country with distinct traditions. The ‘India Out’ campaign was baseless and unnecessary. The Maldives has long been dependent on India for many things, especially health care and other essential needs. People-to-people ties between our nation must continue, and I am glad there are now direct flights to many more Indian destinations.”
Guest houses, she noted, now make the Maldives affordable for middle-income Indians. As for past hate campaigns from certain quarters, she brushed them aside. “I have never seen that,” she said. “There is a positive image of Modi that I see on social media here.”
